An Intro to ‘The Book Ilhan Omar Doesn’t Want You to Read’


Intro by John R. Houk

By Daniel Greenfield

Intro © March 6, 2020

 

Ilhan Omar is a classic example of the hypocritical marriage of the ideologies Marxism and Islam. The two totalitarian ideologies unite for one purpose: The destruction of America’s Founding heritage and traditional American values derived from Biblical Christianity. I am not the only one realizing this Red-Green Axis infamy against true Americans:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The point of the above info is this Red-Green Axis has been a united front against America for quite a while. Below is a cross post of a Daniel Greenfield exposé of Ilhan Omar a cog in the Dem-Marxist-Islamist to destroy the America of the Founding Fathers.

 

JRH 3/6/20 (H/T Washington Standard)

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BLOG EDITOR (In Fascistbook jail since 1/20/20): I’ve apparently been placed in restricted Facebook Jail! The restriction was relegated after criticizing Democrats for supporting abortion in one post and criticizing Virginia Dems for gun-grabbing legislation and levying protester restrictions. Rather than capitulate to Facebook censorship by abandoning the platform, I choose to post and share until the Leftist censors ban me completely. Conservatives are a huge portion of Facebook. If more or all Conservatives are banned, it will affect the Facebook advertising revenue paradigm. SO FIGHT CENSORSHIP BY SHARE – SHARE – SHARE!!! Facebook notified me in pop-up on 1/20/20: “You’re temporarily restricted from joining and posting to groups that you do not manage until April 18 at 7:04 PM.”

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The Book Ilhan Omar Doesn’t Want You to Read

A review of ‘American Ingrate: Ilhan Omar and the Progressive-Islamist Takeover of the Democratic Party.’

 

By Daniel Greenfield

March 4, 2020

FrontPageMag

 

Ilhan Omar – FPM Photo

 

Daniel Greenfield, a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the Freedom Center, is an investigative journalist and writer focusing on the radical Left and Islamic terrorism.

 

“A right-wing extremist just dedicated a racist, Islamophobic book to bashing Ilhan,” the Ilhan for Congress fundraising email read. And then asked donors for $5 or $100 because the book might “turn more people away from bold progressive ideas, and incite violence against her.”

 

The book is American Ingrate: Ilhan Omar and the Progressive-Islamist Takeover of the Democratic Party. And in it, Benjamin Weingarten, has written a damning indictment of Omar and her allies.

 

The fundraising letter’s claims that it incites violence and that it’s racist are false. But American Ingrate might very well make people question some of those “bold progressive ideas”, because Weingarten’s scope goes beyond a grifter from Minnesota trailing accusations of infidelity and even incest through her twisted political career, while romancing her fundraising strategist. They go to the very question of how someone like Omar, with all her issues, personal and ideological, was able to rise so high.

 

On a personal level, it’s understandable why Omar wouldn’t want anyone reading, American Ingrate. Her own memoir, This Is What America Looks Like is due out in the spring. And after a series of stories digging into her past, her alleged marriage to her brother, her infidelity to her ex-husband, and her campaign finance issues, not to mention the torrent of anti-Semitism coming from her on Twitter, the Islamist politician would like to change the subject and get back to enjoying some positive publicity.

 

But American Ingrate is more about the political environment that made Omar possible.

 

Omar’s upcoming memoir is mistitled. Her arrogance, disdain for America, bigotry, and embrace of conspiracy theories is not what America looks like. But it is what the Democrat Party looks like.

 

American Ingrate is not just an examination of Omar’s scandals, but of the Democrat scandal.

 

Beginning with her privileged background in Somalia, Weingarten explores Omar’s personality through the lens of her ideology. He charts the mix of Islamism and Marxism of her background, and how it prepared her for her role in the post-9/11 Democrat Party. He describes her rise as “Obamaesque” and, indeed, the parallels are obvious. Both Omar and Obama share deliberately obscured backgrounds, familial hatred for America and embrace of radical politics. And these two elements, the lack of background information and a background built on hatred for this country, are intertwined. Omar and Obama both had to disguise their anti-American roots to realize their American political ambitions.

 

Obama and Omar both redefined their anti-American identities as quintessentially American. Omar’s upcoming memoir is her own attempt at repeating the trick Obama had pulled with Dreams From My Father. As American Ingrate notes, Omar is ambitious and aggressive in seeking higher office. It is unlikely that she intends to climb no higher than the House of Representatives in Washington D.C.

 

Her aggressive fundraising in response to American Ingrate and her biography highlight a politician, who faces few real political challenges at home, but is building a machine intended to elevate her further.

 

Omar, as Weingarten points out, is both a symbol of the transformation of the Democrat Party and of the alliance between Islamists and the radical Left, and one of the engines driving the transformation.

 

“There has never been a U.S. representative so perfectly positioned at the intersection of these two ideologies aimed at undermining our country, who has garnered such widespread support, not only from her Squad but from the Congressional Progressive Caucus (CPC) and the Democratic Party itself.”

 

Anti-Semitism is, in some ways, incidental to this alliance. And yet in other ways it’s the litmus test. It’s often been said that Jews are the canary in the coal mine. Anti-Semitism signals the death of a civil society and the rise of a totalitarian order. The perpetrators often use anti-Semitism because it’s easy. The Jews are a wedge issue for an escalating series of attacks on a society’s norms of decency.

 

Omar’s anti-Semitism isn’t just about Jews. Like most Islamists, she violates the norms of bigotry both to show that the Jews are defenseless, in much the same way that the Nazis did in Germany, but also, because successfully violating them sets the stage for further violations. Similarly, her attacks on America, her dismissal of 9/11, are an escalated version of the same pattern of ideological warfare.

 

Once the Democrats began defending her, they became complicit in her future offenses. And then it was too late for them to stop. Every time she escalated her hateful rhetoric, they had to go on covering for her. It was either or admit that they had been wrong to defend a politician who really is a bigot.

 

Islamic anti-Semitism and leftist anti-Semitism, Weingarten notes, represent a bridge between Islam and the Left. The fusion of the two, which he traces back to the KGB and Edward Said’s Orientalism, transformed racism into anti-racism, and imperialism into anti-imperialism, reversing western morality.

 

Despite her own privileged background, Omar’s status as a minority woman allowed her to legitimize anti-Semitism by reducing it to power relationships. The Left insists that real racism can only be directed by those who have more power at those who have less power. But every racist movement insists that the people it hates have too much power. Even if it has to rewrite reality and truth to make that claim.

 

The Left’s insistence that real racism can only be a function of power relationships legitimizes racism. Its insistence on determining which races really have power and which don’t is a classic racist strategy.

 

Omar is one of the most recognizable figures in the country. Yet she insists that she’s the victim. In her fundraising email, her campaign claims that she risks being “drowned out by the smears and conspiracy theories.” But her upcoming memoir is being put out by one of the world’s largest publishing companies. It’s already being promoted by the mainstream media though it’s a long way from being out.

 

American Ingrate, a critical look at Omar, is unlikely to be reviewed by any major media outlet.

 

Who then has the real power?

 

In American Ingrate, Weingarten asks that, “Rep. Omar be held to the same standard of scrutiny as every other politician.” But the function of identity politics is the obliteration of equal standards.

 

As long as Omar insists that she’s the victim, she can never be held to the same standard.

 

Victimhood creates multiple tiers, whether through a formal caste system such as intersectionality or the informal one of guilt and rage, and lefties and Islamists both excel at exploiting this system.

 

That is why Omar reacted to the publication of American Ingrate with false claims of victimhood.

 

Being a victim means never being held accountable. It also allows Omar to use crybullying tactics in an effort to intimidate and silence journalists like Weingarten, David Steinberg, who did much of the original investigating of Omar, or Scott Johnson and John Hinderaker of PowerLine, and many others.

 

The Omar campaign’s fundraising email calls American Ingrate an “unprecedented attack.”

 

And it is. Not because, as Omar falsely claims, it incites violence, but because it exposes the ideological roots of her hatred for America. That’s why Omar doesn’t want you or anyone else to read it.

+++++++++++++++++

BLOG EDITOR (In Fascistbook jail since 1/20/20): I’ve apparently been placed in restricted Facebook Jail! The restriction was relegated after criticizing Democrats for supporting abortion in one post and criticizing Virginia Dems for gun-grabbing legislation and levying protester restrictions. Rather than capitulate to Facebook censorship by abandoning the platform, I choose to post and share until the Leftist censors ban me completely. Conservatives are a huge portion of Facebook. If more or all Conservatives are banned, it will affect the Facebook advertising revenue paradigm. SO FIGHT CENSORSHIP BY SHARE – SHARE – SHARE!!! Facebook notified me in pop-up on 1/20/20: “You’re temporarily restricted from joining and posting to groups that you do not manage until April 18 at 7:04 PM.”

_____________________________

An Intro to ‘The Book Ilhan Omar Doesn’t Want You to Read’

Intro by John R. Houk

Intro © March 6, 2020

___________________________

The Book Ilhan Omar Doesn’t Want You to Read

 

© Copyright 2019, FrontPageMag.com

 

Why America’s Founders Didn’t Want a Democracy


Gary M. Galles provides a book review of Liberty in Peril: Democracy and Power in American History by Randall Holcombe. The Holcombe book and review author Galles provide a civics lesson certain to drive Dem Party members and their MSM propaganda machine nuts as it explains the Founders disdain for a government by democracy as opposed by a Republic by consensus.

 

JRH 12/21/19

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******************************

Why America’s Founders Didn’t Want a Democracy

In his book “Liberty in Peril,” Randall Holcombe challenges the presumption that liberty and democracy are complementary.

 

Constitution

 

Book Review by Gary M. Galles

December 17, 2019

Foundation for Economic Education

 

When I took history and government in school, many critical issues were misrepresented, given short shrift, or even ignored entirely. And those lacunae undermined my ability to adequately understand many things. Randall Holcombe’s new book, Liberty in Peril: Democracy and Power in American History, fills in some very substantial gaps, particularly with regard to American constitutionalism and how it has morphed from protecting liberty to advancing democracy at the expense of liberty. It does so with a host of novel and important insights rather than the disinterest generated by the books I suffered through in school.

 

The Role of Government 

Holcombe gets right to the main point:

 

The role of government as [America’s founders] saw it, was to protect the rights of individuals, and the biggest threat to individual liberty was the government itself. So they designed a government with constitutionally limited powers, constrained to carry out only those activities specifically allowed by the Constitution. This book describes how the fundamental principle underlying American government has been transformed from protecting individual liberty to carrying out the will of the people, as revealed by a democratic decision-making process. (p. xxii)

 

Holcombe begins by laying out the case that “the Founders had no intention of creating a democracy, in the sense of a government that would be guided by popular opinion,” (p. 5) in sharp contrast to current “understanding.” And what makes the transformation from a central focus on liberty to a central focus on democracy that routinely invades liberty particularly significant is that

 

the powers embodied in America’s twenty-first-century democratic government are those that eighteenth-century Americans revolted against to escape. (p. 7)

 

Since I do not have the space to dissect all of the issues in Liberty in Peril, I would like to highlight a few particularly noteworthy things.

 

Holcombe starts with John Locke, which is a common place to start for those interested in advancing liberty. But he also calls attention to Cato’s Letters, which was one of the most influential—but now almost completely ignored—influences leading to the birth of the American Revolution. I have long been struck by how many of the insights our founders are credited with that actually trace back there (see the first major chapter of my book Lines of Liberty), and I echo Holcombe’s invitation for more people to discover it.

 

Are Liberty and Democracy Complementary? 

Liberty in Peril challenges the typical current presumption that liberty and democracy are complementary.

 

The principle of liberty suggests that first and foremost, the government’s role is to protect the rights of individuals. The principle of democracy suggests that collective decisions are made according to the will of the majority…The greater the allowable scope of democracy in government, the greater the threat to liberty…In particular, the ascendency of the concept of democracy threatens the survival of the free market economy, which is an extension of the Founders’ views on liberty. (pp. 14-15)

 

This is reflected in the changing nature of elections.

 

At one time, elections might have been viewed as a method of selecting competent people to undertake a job with constitutionally-specified limits. With the extension of democracy, elections became referendums on public policy. (p. 20)

 

Consensus vs. Democracy

The book also challenges commonly held presumptions that our Founders wanted democracy. But while “the Founders wanted those in charge of government’s operations to be selected by a democratic process,” they “also wanted to insulate those who ran the government from direct influence by its citizens” because “[b]y insulating political decision-makers from directs accountability to citizens, the government would be in a better position to adhere to its constitutionally-mandated limits.” (p. 15)

 

“Thus, the Constitution created a limited government designed to protect liberty, not to foster democracy.” (p. 16) But the United States “consistently has moved toward more democracy, and the unintended side effect has been a reduction in liberty.” (p. 25)

 

Holcombe lays out issues of consensus versus democracy, with consensus illustrated by market systems in which all those whose property rights are involved agree to transactions, (p. 29) but in government, “a group is able to undertake more extensive collective action if it requires less consensus to act.” (p. 30) And the slippery slope is that

 

[t]he more citizens want to further national goals through government action, the less consensus they will demand in the collective decision-making process. (p. 33)

 

An In-Depth Study of the Constitution

Another notable aspect of Liberty in Peril is how far beyond the typical discussion of constitutional issues it goes, substantially expanding readers’ understanding in intriguing ways. For instance, how many Americans know of the Iroquois Constitution, which focused on unanimity? How many are aware of the Albany Plan of Union, drawn up in 1754, or how it was influenced by the Iroquois Constitution? How many know that a “clear chain of constitutional evolution proceeds from the Albany Plan of Union to the Articles of Confederation to the Constitution of the United States”? (p. 43)

 

How many have noticed that “when compared with the Articles of Confederation, the Constitution clearly less constraining than the document it supplanted…the Constitution did not limit the powers of government; it expanded them”? (p. 48) Yet,

 

[w]hile the authors of the Constitution did deliberately expand the powers of the federal government, they just as deliberately tried to prevent the creation of a democratic government. (p. 52)

 

How many are aware of what the Confederate Constitution tells us about the US Constitution and the drift from its principles since its adoption, especially because “the problems that the authors of the Confederate Constitution actually did address were overwhelmingly associated with the use of legislative powers to impose costs on the general public to provide benefits to narrow constituencies”? (p. 107)

 

The Constitution often is portrayed as a document that limits the power of the federal government and guarantees the liberty of its citizens…When compared to the Articles of Confederation, the Constitution places less constraint on the federal government and allows those who run the government more discretion and autonomy and less accountability. The adoption of the Constitution enhanced the powers of government and laid the foundation for two centuries of government growth. (pp. 66-67)

 

The Elitist Constitution

Holcombe’s section on “The Elitist Constitution” is fascinating. It lays out the case for why “[t]he Constitution devised democratic processes for collective decision-making, but the Founders had no intention of designing a government that would respond to the will of the majority,” (p. 70) as illustrated by the fact that citizens “had almost no direct input into the federal government as the Constitution was originally written and ratified.” (p. 70)

 

The section on the Electoral College is even more striking, as it stands in sharp variance from the presumptions behind almost the entire current debate over the National Popular Vote compact:

 

[A]t the time the Constitution was written the Founders anticipated that in most cases no candidate would receive votes from a majority of the electors. The Founders reasoned that most electors would vote for one candidate from their own states…and it would be unlikely that voting along state lines would produce any candidate with a majority of the votes. (p. 75)

 

Consequently,

 

The Founders envisioned that in most cases the president would end up being chosen by the House of Representatives from the list of the top-five electoral vote recipients…Furthermore, there was no indication that the number of electoral votes received should carry any weight besides creating a list of the top five candidates…The process was not intended to be democratic. (p. 76)

 

I found the issues discussed above to be of particular interest. But there is far more in the book to learn from, and often be surprised by, in comparison to what history courses usually teach.

 

America’s Evolution Away From Founding Values

Such issues include the evolution of parties, the influence of Andrew Jackson, who “fought for democracy, but, ironically, the result of making the nation’s government more democratic has been to expand the scope and power of government in response to popular demands for govern programs,” (p. 91) which “the Founders foresaw and tried to guard against by limiting the role of democracy in their new government,” (p. 91), the War Between the States (“the single most important event in the transformation of American government,” (p. 93) including the elimination of state succession as a real possibility, the Reconstruction Era amendments, the origins of interest group politics, the evolution of federal regulatory power, the evolution of the incentives of civil servants, the Sixteenth Amendment (income tax) as “a response to the demand for a larger federal government,” (p. 149) a different take on the 1920s, in which “[f]ar from representing a retreat from progressivism, the 1920s extended the now-established orthodoxy, (p. 154) added insight into the New Deal and the courts, Social Security as the “one New Deal program for the responsibility for fundamentally transforming the historical, constitutional role of the federal government,” (p. 175) how “The Great Society represents the ultimate triumph of democracy, because for the first time a major expansion in the scope of government was based on the demands of the electorate, with no extenuation circumstances” (p. 205), and far more.

 

In sum, there are very many good reasons to recommend Liberty in Peril. In it, Randall Holcombe provides not just a powerful and insightful look into crucial aspects of America’s evolution away from the principles of the revolution that created it but also an important warning:

 

Unfortunately, many Americans do not appear to fully understand these dangers as they continue to push the foundations of their government away from liberty and toward democracy. (p. 225)

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Blog Editor: Rather than capitulate to Facebook censorship by abandoning the platform, I choose to post and share until the Leftist censors ban me. Recently, the Facebook censorship tactic I’ve experienced is a couple of Group shares then jailed under the false accusation of posting too fast. So I ask those that read this, to combat censorship by sharing blog and Facebook posts with your friends or Groups you belong to.

___________________________

Gary M. Galles is a professor of economics at Pepperdine University. His recent books include Faulty Premises, Faulty Policies (2014) and Apostle of Peace (2013). He is a member of the FEE Faculty Network.

 

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, except for material where copyright is reserved by a party other than FEE.

 

FEE About Page

 

FEE’s Vision

To make the ideas of liberty familiar, credible, and compelling to the rising generation.

 

FEE’s mission is to inspire, educate, and connect future leaders with the economic, ethical, and legal principles of a free society.

 

These principles include: individual liberty, free-market economics, entrepreneurship, private property, high moral character, and limited government.

 

READ MORE

 

THE SERPENT AND THE RED THREAD: The Definitive Biography of Evil


Diane Weber Bederman (from her blog)

 

Israpundit begins a book review with a link to a Church of England PDF report on Antisemitism perpetrated by Christians against Jews then goes on to examine “THE SERPENT AND THE RED THREAD: The Definitive Biography of Evil” by Diane Weber Bederman (Convivium bio, Bederman Blog and her post about book) advertised as a readable history of Antisemitism.

 

JRH 11/30/19

Your generosity is always appreciated: 

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Support this Blog HERE. Or support by getting in 

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Blog Editor: Rather than capitulate to Facebook censorship by abandoning the platform, I choose to post and share until the Leftist censors ban me. Recently, the Facebook censorship tactic I’ve experienced is a couple of Group shares then jailed under the false accusation of posting too fast. So I ask those that read this, to combat censorship by sharing blog and Facebook posts with your friends or Groups you belong to.

*****************************

THE SERPENT AND THE RED THREAD: The Definitive Biography of Evil

 

November 30, 2019

Israpundit

 

AMAZON BOOKS

 

The Church of England  just shared it’s report Titled “God’s Unfailing Word: Theological and Practical Perspectives on Christian-Jewish Relations,”

The 121-page report said attitudes towards Judaism over centuries had provided a “fertile seed-bed for murderous anti-Semitism,” and that Anglicans and other Christians must repent for the “sins of the past,” as well as actively challenge anti-Semitic attitudes or stereotypes.

 

The Serpent and the Red Thread is a book, a documentary, about the oldest, most irrational evil: Jew hatred; told through the voices of Biblical and historical figures. Ms. Weber Bederman takes you on a journey through time, sharing the presence of history and our collective memories, beginning where all time begins: The Garden of Eden, where we meet the serpent who has in his mouth the red thread which he takes with him as it connects evil through time. Ms Weber Bederman has chosen to incorporate the Chinese literary device, the red thread, to connect the most evil of humankind, the Amaleks of history. The ones who spread irrational hate.

All of the events  are historical, factual, and sometimes shared through the stories of the characters: Abraham, Sarah, Isaac, Jesus, Paul and hitler. One need not be a student of the bible or history to follow the travels of the red thread woven by the serpent from the Garden to the present.

 

The Red Thread of Evil has found yet another home in the hands of another group, the followers of the religion of Allah, who are intent on accomplishing what no other regime or culture had been able to do: to wipe the Jews off the face of the earth. Alarmingly, they have found many in the West who make themselves willing accomplices in the campaign of lies and distortions against Israel and the Jewish people elsewhere.

 

This latter-day incarnation of Evil frequently finds accomplices among young people, uneducated and uninformed and easily taken in by extremist diatribes.

 

That is why it is so important that this small volume with its treasure of information presented in a readable, even gripping narrative is placed into the hands of a wider public, but most especially impressionable youths in universities and high schools. A timely document that will enlighten those who are receptive to thought and the truth.

 

PRAISE FOR THE SERPENT AND THE RED THREAD

 

Diane Weber Bederman is very passionate in understanding the evil mindset behind hatred against Jews. Her book ‘The Serpent and The Red Thread’ is a sort of short history of historic incidences related to this evil mindset. This book may provide a reference to our present day world leadership in terms of curbing this hatred. Dealing with controversial and messy religious and political history is not an easy task. Holocaust denial and growing antisemitism can never be addressed precisely without addressing the root causes of these hateful attitudes. — Tahir Aslam Gora TV producer

 

Poetic, mystical, and prophetic, ‘The Serpent and the Red Thread’ is a unique, unflinching look at the history of Jew-hatred from Biblical era persecution through the Holocaust to today’s Muslim Brotherhood. It is an essential reminder that the Jewish people have always been stalked by evil, and yet always prevail. — Mark Tapson, Shillman Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center and author of Chivalry and the War on Men

 

It is quite an achievement. It’s the kind of project–terrifying, daunting–that most writers wouldn’t even contemplate, let alone carry through–and you did it with style and power. It is riveting. — Janice Fiamengo, Professor of English at the University of Ottawa

 

Drawing upon history and characters like Abraham, Sarah, Isaac, Jesus, Paul and ‘hitler’, Bederman lays bare the human dichotomy between good and evil, and love and hate. Exposing the tug-of-war within the human soul and influenced by cultural impact, this book provides a creative, enlightening and much needed crash course in human responsibility. The Serpent renders an inescapable call to confront one’s deeper consciousness and the question to one’s self: can one remain neutral and in denial in the face of egregious evil without bearing a degree of culpability? as witnessed in the Holocaust. — Christine Douglass-Williams, International award-winning Journalist and best-selling Author of The Challenge of Modernizing Islam

 

From humanity’s first encounter with evil up until our present time, author Diane Weber Bederman lays out the unparalleled, irrational hate of the Jewish people. With often chilling prose, she takes us down the historical paths of nations, religions and ideologies to uncover the webs that trapped and devoured the people who gifted the world with compassion and ethics. Citing often unfamiliar sources, the author unravels the thread of hate that ran through primitive times yet also through the likes of the Enlightenment. It was the progression birthed in the Enlightenment that promised to better society, It was the same progression that set the stage for the unparalleled and unprecedented pinnacle of enmity – the Holocaust. Passionate, personal, and presenting the facts, this is much more than a book. It is an indictment on a world that has forgotten that the mass industrial murder of 6 million Jews on Europe’s soil was done in the name of culture and progression. It is a cry from the heart, a warning. The serpent of antisemitism has never been apprehended. It is on the loose again and it’s ravenous for Jews. Today it leashes it’s venom at the Jewish homeland. The author burdens us with the freedom of choice. Whoever we are, we have a moral duty to combat this hate that in living memory saw to the annihilation of millions of human beings in the name of progression. — Kay Wilson, author of The Rage Less Traveled

 

‘The Serpent and the Red Thread’ chronicles the miasmal hatred, pogroms, and ruthless antisemitism that continues to persecute the Jewish people today. Bederman manages to bring beauty to this horror, which makes her book an engrossing read for students and scholars alike. Diane Weber Bederman offers the reader a fascinating documentary of antisemitism and its inspiration from ancient times until today. Bederman deftly follows the red thread of antisemitism that begins in the Garden of Eden, threads its way through the descendants of Amalek, Adolph Hitler, and finally into the 21st century where Islamic Jew hatred is Hitlerian in intensity. Antisemitism has managed to wend its way through time and civilizations in its inexhaustible efforts to destroy the Jewish people. The torch of antisemitism passes from generation to generation by leaders who look to history to rationalize their savagery. — Linda Goudsmit, author of Dear America: Who’s Driving the Bus? and children’s series Mimi’s STRATEGY

 

It has been called the oldest and the longest hatred. It has persisted through the millennia making its way through human history from Antiquity to Modernity. As such, it has been directed at a small group of people within a sea of vast multitude of people and singled it out for deprecation, persecution, and attempts at annihilation. Much ink has been spilled to account for, to explain and even justify and legitimize this phenomenon. Why the Jews? Is the puzzling question to which there is no plausible answer except for those who carry this evil in their hearts. Evil is the answer to be found in the small volume by Diane Weber Bederman which she titled ‘The Serpent and the Red Thread.’ Evil, she explains, has beset the world since the beginning of time – which in this version is associated with the Creation as described in the Hebrew Bible and the Garden of Eden. The beautiful parable of the serpent planting the seed of evil in the heart of the first humans highlights the eternal battle against the good. More often than not, it is the force of evil that seems to win out over a more benevolent inclination. The ultimate form of Evil finds its expression in the form of hatred of the Jews, or antisemitism in a modern-day coinage. The author takes the reader on the winding trail this Evil take in its variant forms – religious intolerance to cultural calumny formulated in Christian Church doctrine and the race theories that sprouted from the secularized modern era on and reached its culmination, its ultimate explosion under the Nazi regime. As the author weaves and spins out this thread—the Red Thread of Evil, she calls it in a felicitous metaphor—she gathers together an enormous amount of material that documents the poison spread by even some of greatest and most admired thinkers to the venom spewed by the evil incarnate in the person of Adolf Hitler. She takes the reader on a journey, a trail of tears and suffering experienced by few other groups. Yet, even after the most catastrophic event of the Nazi murder of millions, the evil of antisemitism that has hounded and pursuit the Jewish people is not extinguish. In fact, in recent years it has gathered strength and its poison has been spreading like an epidemic in the Middle East, where the Jews regained their ancient homeland, Europe, and even America. As the author states, the Red Thread of Evil has found yet another home in the hands of another group, the followers of the religion of Allah, who are intent on accomplishing what no other regime or culture had been able to do: to wipe the Jews off the face of the earth. Alarmingly, they have found many in the West who make themselves willing accomplices in the campaign of lies and distortions against Israel and the Jewish people elsewhere. This latter-day incarnation of Evil frequently finds accomplices among young people, uneducated and uninformed and easily taken in by extremist diatribes. That is why it is so important that this small volume with its treasure of information presented in a readable, even gripping narrative is placed into the hands of a wider public, but most especially impressionable youths in universities and high schools. A timely document that will enlighten those receptive to thought and the truth. — Brigitte M Goldstein, Ph.D., Historical Novelist

 

Diane Weber Bederman

 

Author of

AnatomyofFakeNews in the Era of Donald Trump?

Back to the Ethic : Reclaiming Western Values

www.dianebederman.com

++++++++++++++++++

Blog Editor: Rather than capitulate to Facebook censorship by abandoning the platform, I choose to post and share until the Leftist censors ban me. Recently, the Facebook censorship tactic I’ve experienced is a couple of Group shares then jailed under the false accusation of posting too fast. So I ask those that read this, to combat censorship by sharing blog and Facebook posts with your friends or Groups you belong to.

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Fr. James V. Schall: Sword and Scimitar Is “a Detailed, Well-Researched” and “Most Welcome” Book


I am gratified the GOP still controls the Senate and displeased the Marxist oriented Dems is the majority political party in the House – all be it slim majority. The jury is out on how a divided Congress manages the rule of law in this nation, but if the proven Dem/media lies against President Trump the emerging proof of a lying smear campaign (HERE, HERE, HERE & HERE) against Justice Brett Kavanaugh is any indication – government gridlock is in the future for at least two-years.

But moving on … It is time to refresh our memory on just how dangerous Islam is to Western Culture. I’ve been reading Robert Spencer’s new book “The History of Jihad: From Muhammad to ISIS” – Book Review HERE.

 

And now another book exposing Islam’s history and true nature is out by Raymond Ibrahim: “Sword and Scimitar: Fourteen Centuries of War between Islam and the West”. After reading the book review on Ibrahim’s blog, I’ll picking that book up as well.

 

JRH 11/7/18

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Fr. James V. Schall: Sword and Scimitar Is “a Detailed, Well-Researched” and “Most Welcome” Book

 

By Raymond Ibrahim 

11/07/2018

RaymondIbrahim.com

 

Fr. James V. Schall during his final lecture at Georgetown University in 2012

 

James V. Schall, S.J. — a longtime professor of political philosophy at Georgetown University and author of On Islam — recently reviewed my book, Sword and Scimitar.  First published in the Catholic World Report, and titled, “On the Purpose of Islam: A Review of Raymond Ibrahim’s Sword and Scimitar,” it follows:

 

“Unlike most military histories—which no matter how fascinating are ultimately academic—this [book] offers correctives; it sets the much discussed historical record between these two civilizations straight and, in so doing, demonstrates once and for all that a Muslim hostility for the West is not an aberration but a continuation of Islamic history.” — Raymond Ibrahim, Sword and Scimitar: Fourteen Centuries of War between Islam and the West (New York: De Capo Press, 2018), xvi

 

“For unlike Manzikert (1071), which was more a Turkic victory, the conquest of Constantinople (1453) had greater significance for all Muslims. Even in Egypt, where the Ottoman’s chief rivals the Mamluks reigned, the ‘good tidings were proclaimed and Cairo decorated’ to celebrate ‘this greatest of conquests.’ The Sharif of Mecca wrote to Muhammed (II), calling him ‘the one who has aided Islam and the Muslims, the Sultan of all kings and sultans,’ and—further underscoring the idea that conquest over infidels is the epitome of Islamic piety—‘the resuscitator of the Prophet’s sharia.’” — Raymond Ibrahim, Sword and Scimitar, 247.

 

I.

 

Some things we prefer not to know. Among these, it often seems, is an accurate account of the origins, extent, and the means of expansion of Islam over its now 1200 year history. During this time period, the armies of Islam managed to conquer a good fifth of the world’s geography and population. This growth and expansion show few signs of abating, in spite of Islam’s expulsion from Spain in the fifteenth century and from the Balkans in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The main reason that Islam is not larger is because—and only because—it was defeated in some major historic battles. In recent years, with its high birth-rate and its immigration, Islam has a new lease on life in the West, particularly in Europe, from which it had been turned back in the eighth century at the battle of Tours and in the fifteenth at Vienna. Both Europe and America are now dotted with mosques in hundreds of places, the construction of which is usually financed by Saudi Arabia.

 

Sword & Scimitar bk jk

 

In this riveting account of the history of Islam’s military accomplishments, Raymond Ibrahim shows that Islam has followed a consistent policy that has combined politics, war, terror, and religion. Its purpose was, and remains, essentially religious, however unwilling we might be, because of our own presuppositions, to grant that fact. This purpose follows a reading of the Koran as Islam’s central guide and ultimate justification as the message of Allah to mankind. It also manifests the core reason why Islam, throughout its history, has sought to expand. Other motives—economic, ethnic, and political—were also present, but this religious motive was at its core. Until that core is rejected by enough individual Muslims, it will continue to inspire, , by ever varying means—sometimes peaceful, sometimes violent—this drive to conquer what is not yet under Islamic control.

 

What is difficult for many to understand is the persistence of a singular purpose, carried on century after century: the submission of the world to Allah. Both those who believe in nothing and those who believe in other gods are tempted to think such a concept to be preposterous or impossible. Yet this purpose is what motivated and inspired the Muslim caliphs, beys, emirs, sheiks, merchants, and peasants, whether Sunni or Shiite, to continue their mission no matter how hopeless it seemed at first.

 

This expansion involved massive genocides and slaughters in various parts of the world and in different eras, about which Ibrahim gives a detailed and often graphic account. But such shocking means, deliberately undertaken, do not obviate this prior religious purpose. Indeed, this religious purpose is part of the rationale of the expansion, which used whatever means that worked. The philosophical voluntarism that finally explained Muslim actions came into being to justify the use of violence in religion. As explained by al Ghazelli in the eleventh century, Allah could will the opposite of what he willed; everything depends on Allah’s will that is bound to no permanent truth.

 

II.

 

To understand Islam, it is necessary to follow its history, which is inspired by the Koran and its interpretations. Thus we have both what the Koran teaches and the historic record of what Islam did following upon those teachings. Noted historian Victor Davis Hanson, in the “Foreword” to Ibrahim’s book, gives a brief list of its major theses: 1) “Islamic armies saw themselves as expansionary and messianic, eager to engage the West and to annex its territory and convert its people”; 2) The wars against the West were not seen primarily as localized but “as religious rather than national or ethnic…their warring against the Westerners was so seen as mostly a monolithic struggle against Christendom rather than against particular European States”; 3) Islamic leaders have seen Christianity as inherently against Islam; 4) Muslims in Western states had much more freedom than Christians in Muslim states.

The book is a detailed, well-researched account of the major battles between Islam and the West. The same methods of warfare, conquest, and imposition of Muslim law occur again and again. The Crusades were not signs of Christian aggressiveness but of a final, usually desperate effort to protect themselves from Muslim incursions. Two things are striking in this presentation. The first is that the positive use of violence is considered a legitimate way to deal with those deemed as enemies of Islam. With almost monotonous regularity this factor is seen in every battle and its aftermath. It can be, from an Islamic perspective, justified from Koranic verses and from the historical record. The only time a Muslim doubts his faith is when he is soundly defeated in battle. But military defeat is only temporary. As long as the Koran is read, Islam will rise again. Islam, we see again and again, is both patient and unforgiving.

 

The second striking thing is the extent and prevalence of slavery, of slave markets, of the need of slaves to make possible the kind of life that Muslim leaders carved out for themselves. Most Americans are aware that slavery existed in their own country. What is not so widely known is the place of Arab middle men who were the slave brokers for both black and white slaves. Though slavery is found in many cultures throughout history, it was a constant element in Muslim life. And the slaves were not mostly black, but white; the choice slaves were acquired by raids along the European coasts or as the booty of conquest.

 

Near the end of the book, Ibrahim recounts the experience of the early American founders with Islam. The first American war, some might be surprised to learn, was with the Barbary Pirates in North Africa. The United States paid regular and enormous ransom fees to recover Americans held as hostages. Ibrahim cites the letter that John Adams and Thomas Jefferson wrote to Congress on March 28, 1786:

 

We took the liberty to make some inquiries concerning the grounds of their (Muslim) pretentions to make war against nations who had done them no injury, and observed that we considered all mankind as our friends who had done us no wrong, nor had given us any provocation. The (Muslim) ambassador answered us that it was founded on the laws of their Prophet, that was written in their Koran, that all nations who should not have acknowledged their authority were sinners, that it was their right and duty to make war on them wherever they could be found and to make slaves of all they could take as prisoners, and that every Musselman who should be slain in battle was sure to go to Paradise (284).

 

This analysis of Adams and Jefferson sketches and summarizes the essential theses of this book, which draws out in detail the record and working out of the Muslim practice of warfare and governance as seen embodied in its history.

 

III.

 

The book leaves us with several questions. Can one really be a faithful Muslim and not accept this history and its rationale? Can non-Muslims rest content that this religious warfare in various forms will not be unleashed on them whenever the opportunity arises? As Ibrahim points out, a Muslim is free to say in public that he will not practice violence provided that he secretly agrees in his heart that he will follow, when he can, the Koran and what it says about such violence.

 

A further issue is whether an accurate knowledge of Islamic warfare and history is not somehow illiberal, unfair, or, yes, provocative. Those who maintain, in spite of all evidence, that Islam is a religion of peace do neither Islam nor themselves any favor. We honor Islam best by judging it first by its own standards and purposes. In this sense, Ibrahim’s book is most welcome. It does not pretend that the record of what Islam does and says of itself is something else other than it is. And no one denies, of course, that Islam is composed of many internal struggles both of its theology and of its politics.

 

In many ways, Islam has been its own worst enemy. Efforts to democratize Islam have taught many Muslims how to use democratic processes for their long term goals. While Islam approves of conquest by arms, it does not disdain any other way to power if it can finally impose its law (Sharia). While there are no Muslim armies today capable of defeating any major power in the field, the use of terrorist tactics can, if unchecked, still effectively disrupt and even weaken any modern society.

 

IV.

 

In Belloc’s 1900 book Miniatures of French History we find a chapter entitled “The Breaking of Islam,” which is about the Battle at Poitiers and Tours in 732, a seminal battle that Ibrahim likewise covers. It was a battle that saved France and probably Europe. To explain why Islam was in France in the first place, Belloc wrote:

 

Mahomet, acquainted with the Faith, selected from manifold Christian truth what few points seemed good to him, and composed a new heresy alive with equality and the reduction of doctrine to the least compass. He denied the Incarnation and left the Eucharist aside. Mahomet had vision and heard divine commands. Stones spoke to him and he perceived the glories of heaven. But more than this…he was filled with a command to teach what he had seen and known. He must remake men. For this mighty task he found two mighty levers—brotherhood and simplicity—and to these he joined the delight of arms.

 

Belloc, as Ibrahim also notes, was far ahead of his time in seeing the meaning and scope of Islamic thought and history. Belloc paid the honor to Islam of taking its religious side, its history, and its messianic purposes seriously. He could do this because he could understand the call of its faith. This understanding of Islam’s faith is what is important in Sword and Scimitar. We cannot read Muslim history as if it is explained by the liberal mind that cannot (or will not) understand the call of such a faith over time. Christians have been mostly driven out of Muslim lands. They have suffered attacks and killings in our day, the same kind of atrocities that occurred again and again in the past. We pay little or no attention. Those most eager to dialogue with representatives of Islam usually do not know its history. They cannot understand why this dialogue results mostly in an effort to settle more and more of Mohammed’s followers in lands that Islam could not conquer before by arms.

 

Belloc, in his book The Crusades—in a section on the Battle at the Horns of Hattin (1187), after the crushing of the Crusaders’ last hold in the Holy places—said that if Islam ever gains the power again, it will do exactly as it did before. He wrote this in the 1930s; by the second decade of the 21st century, it is clear that he was right. Ibrahim’s book provides the background to verify this thesis.

 

Islam cannot reform itself by denying its own history and the methods to achieve its successes. And it cannot be Islam and deny what is in the Koran. Wherever the Koran is read carefully and seriously, the drive to world submission to Allah will reappear and continue. Sometimes it will be defeated; at other times it will succeed. Islam is content to wait, but it always is prodding. It understands that its immediate enemy is the West—not China or India or Russia. It has every reason to believe that it is gradually but definitely making inroads into Europe, often without the need of bloodshed. It has not repudiated terror, but it has realized the possibility of using Western political means to bring the Sharia into effect in any given city or country. If it can expand by democratic means as well as with terror and war, so much the better. The end remains the same–the conquest of the world for Allah, the mission assigned to it from the beginning.

 

Islam today is divided into various factions and dozens of states, some struggling against others. It has no final authority of interpretation of its texts; it has no unified army. The recent defeat of ISIS on the ground made clear that its expansion might now use other means. Historically, Christians and non-Christians falling under the control of Muslim majorities have been required to pay a fine and accept second class citizenship, convert, or die. Peace for Islam means the condition brought about when everyone is Muslim. Until then, a state of war with non-Muslims de facto exists. Again, the purpose of Islam is the subjection of all men and nations to Allah. Without this ultimate goal, Islam is not Islam. One cannot but admire this religious impetus, while, at the same time, doing one’s best to see that it never succeeds—both for the good of non-Muslims and Muslims alike. Sword and Scimitar offers a challenging and direct explanation why these things make sense.

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© 2018 · RaymondIbrahim.com ·

 

 

 

About

 

RAYMOND IBRAHIM is a widely published author, public speaker, and Middle East and Islam specialist.  His books include Sword and Scimitar: Fourteen Centuries of War between Islam and the West (Da Capo, 2018), Crucified Again: Exposing Islam’s New War on Christians (Regnery, 2013), and The Al Qaeda Reader (Doubleday, 2007).

 

Ibrahim’s writings, translations, and observations have appeared in a variety of publications, including the New York Times Syndicate, CNN, LA Times, Fox News, Financial Times, Jerusalem Post, United Press International, USA Today, Washington Post, Washington Times, and Weekly Standard; scholarly journals, including the Almanac of Islamism, Chronicle of Higher Education, Hoover Institution’s Strategika, Jane’s Islamic Affairs Analyst, Middle East Quarterly, and Middle East Review of International Affairs; and popular websites, including American Thinker, Bloomberg, Breitbart, Christian Post, Daily Caller, NewsMax, National Review Online, PJ Media, and World Magazine. He has contributed chapters to several anthologies and has been translated into dozens of languages.

 

Ibrahim guest lectures at universities, including the National Defense Intelligence College, has briefed governmental agencies, such as U.S. Strategic Command and the Defense Intelligence Agency, provides expert testimony for Islam-related lawsuits, and has testified before Congress regarding the conceptual failures that dominate American discourse concerning Islam and the worsening plight of Egypt’s Christian Copts.

 

Among other media, he has appeared on MSNBC, Fox News, C-SPAN, PBS, Reuters, Al-Jazeera, and NPR; he has done hundreds of radio interviews and two courses for Prager University, each of which has been viewed over a million times on YouTube.

 

Ibrahim’s dual-background—born and raised in the U.S. by Egyptian parents born and raised in the Middle East—has provided him with unique advantages, from equal fluency in English and Arabic, to an equal understanding of the Western and Middle Eastern mindsets, positioning him to explain the latter to the former. His interest in Islamic civilization was first piqued when he began visiting the Middle East as a child in the 1970s. Interacting and conversing with the locals throughout the decades has provided him with an intimate appreciation for that part of the world, complementing his academic training.

 

After a brief athletic career—including winning the 1993 NPC Los Angeles Bodybuilding Championship as a teenager—Raymond went on to receive his B.A. and M.A. (both in History, focusing on the ancient and medieval Near East, with dual-minors in Philosophy and Literature) from California State University, Fresno. There he studied closely with noted military-historian Victor Davis Hanson. He also took graduate courses at Georgetown University’s Center for Contemporary Arab Studies—including classes on the history, politics, and economics of the Arab world—and studied Medieval Islam and Semitic languages at Catholic University of America. His M.A. thesis examined an early military encounter between Islam and Byzantium based on arcane Arabic and Greek texts.

 

Ibrahim’s resume includes serving as an Arabic language and regional specialist at the Near East Section of the Library of Congress, where he was often contacted by and provided information to defense and intelligence personnel involved in the fields of counterterrorism and area studies, as well as the Congressional Research Service; and serving as associate director of the Middle East Forum, a Philadelphia think tank.

 

He also often functions as a journalist and has been a Media Fellow at the Hoover Institution and a CBN News analyst.  His knowledge of Arabic and familiarity with Middle Eastern sources have enabled him to offer breaking news.  Days before the Obama administration blamed an anti-Islamic movie for Muslim uprisings against a U.S. consul and an embassy in Libya and Egypt respectively, Ibrahim showed that the demonstrations were pre-planned and unrelated to the movie.  Similarly, he was first to expose an Arabic-language Saudi fatwa that called for the destruction of any Christian church found on the Arabian Peninsula.

 

Raymond Ibrahim is currently the Judith Friedman Rosen Writing Fellow at the Middle East Forum.

 

Robert Spencer Defends the West…


In America both the Left and the Right cherish Free Speech enshrined in the First Amendment. Or at least the First Amendment is cherished in the political spectrum’s right to criticize each other, but the Left questions the Free Speech ability of the Right to expose the truth of totalitarian issues supported by the Left. Why? Our Republic was established in rebelling against a totalitarian King between 1776 (actually battles fought in 1775 but Independence declared in 1776) and 1783 (Treaty of Paris). The Left pretends to be the Party of the People but supports Big Government control of society from top to bottom, aka totalitarianism.

 

With this all in mind, I think you will find Andrew Bostom’s book review of Robert Spencer’s “The Complete Infidel’s Guide to Free Speech (and Its Enemies)” interesting. It Points out that Islam is no friend of Free Speech and the irony of the Left trying to protect Islam from criticism.

 

JRH 8/2/17

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Robert Spencer Defends the West: ‘The Complete Infidel’s Guide to Free Speech’

 

By ANDREW G. BOSTOM

JULY 31, 2017

PJ Media

 

FILE – DECEMBER 25, 2013: The Egyptian interim government [sic] has declared the Mohammed Morsi led ‘Muslim Brotherhood’ a terrorist organisation. The action was taken in response to the bombing of the police station in Mansoura earlier this week, which the government has stated was the responsibility of the Brotherhood, despite denials from the group itself. CAIRO, EGYPT – DECEMBER 14: Supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi and members of the Muslim Brotherhood chant slogans during a rally on December 14, 2012 in Cairo, Egypt. Opponents and supporters of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi staged final rallies in Cairo ahead of tomorrow’s referendum vote on the country’s draft constitution that was rushed through parliament in an overnight session on November 29. The country’s new draft constitution, passed by a constitutional assembly dominated by Islamists, will go to a referendum vote on December 15. (Photo by Daniel Berehulak/Getty Images)

 

A review of The Complete Infidel’s Guide to Free Speech (and Its Enemies), by Robert Spencer, Regnery Publishing, 2017, 274 pp.

 

———-

 

Twenty-four years ago, the late Mervyn Hiskett, renowned British scholar of the history of jihad and Islamization in sub-Saharan Africa, turned his attention to the looming impact of Islam on his own Britain and Western societies more broadly, including the United States. In his 1993 Some to Mecca Turn To Pray, he articulated presciently the Islamic conundrum now enveloping us, which requires an immediate response if we still cherish individual liberty:

 

As is so often the case when considering Islam, one has to concede the power of certain of its ideas. But when it comes to having these ideas advocated within our own shores, and as alternatives to our own insti­tutions, one must then ask oneself: Which does one prefer? Western secular, pluralist institutions, imperfect as these are? Or the Islamic theo­cratic alternative?

 

And if one decides in favor of one’s own institutions, warts and all, one then has to ask again: How far may the advocacy of Islamic alternatives go, before this becomes downright subversive? And at that point, what should be done about it? Finally, do liberal, demo­cratic politicians have the political and moral guts to do what is needed, or will they simply give way, bit by bit and point by point, to insistent and sustained pressure from the Muslim “Parliament” and other Muslim special-interest lobbies like it?

 

Robert Spencer’s concise, lucid analysis, The Complete Infidel’s Guide to Free Speech (and Its Enemies), validates Hiskett’s gravest concerns about Islamic subversion: the relentless campaign to abrogate our most basic, unique Western liberty — free expression. With characteristic erudition, attention to detail, and wit (see text box on p. 28, “Did Any Of Them Have Eating Disorders? Those Can Make You Crazy,” from this video), Spencer chronicles how free speech in Western societies has been dangerously eroded by what Hiskett aptly termed “the Muslim ‘Parliament’ and other Muslim special interest lobbies,” in full collaboration with statist Left cultural relativists.

 

The grotesque harmonic convergence between mainstream, totalitarian Islam — epitomized by Sharia “blasphemy” law — and the “democratic” totalitarianism of the Left, derived from Robespierre and the Jacobins through Communist ideologues and leaders Marx, Lenin, and Stalin, is an underlying, recurrent theme of Spencer’s urgent presentation. Indeed the latter, “Dr. Crankley’s Children” (per Whittaker Chambers’ acid 1948 discussion of the Communist legacy on the 100th anniversary of the publication of Marx’s manifesto), and their “softer” statist minions of our era, bear at least as much responsibility for the erosion of Western free speech as institutional Islam and its pious Muslim votaries. Spencer elucidates how, despite superficial appearances of being oddly conjoined:

 

… endeavoring to weaken and destroy the freedom of speech, leftists in the United States have found ready allies in the Muslim community. Many observers have remarked that the Left and Islamic supremacists make strange bedfellows: the former advocate a moral libertinism; the latter are attempting to impose a repressive moral code. What binds these unlikely allies is a shared taste for authoritarianism. Both parties want to stifle dissent, and in doing so both find themselves fighting the same foes. Why not join forces?

 

All 13 of Spencer’s carefully arranged, remarkably compendious chapters have germane (even pathognomonic!) titles, including 10 epigrams:

 

Chapter 1, “Just Stay Quiet and You’ll Be Okay”

Chapter 2, “Tailored in an Appropriate Way”: Can Free Speech Really Be Restricted in the United States?

Chapter 3, “Now Obviously This is a Country That is Based on Free Speech, but…,”: The U.S. Government vs. Free Speech

Chapter 4, The “Hate Speech” Scam

Chapter 5, “Peer Pressure and Shaming” to Rein in Free Speech

Chapter 6, “Is That Being Racist?”: Americans Learn Self-Censorship

Chapter 7, “Irresponsibly Provocative”: The Erosion of Free Speech From Rushdie to Geller

Chapter 8, “Can’t We Talk about This?”: The Death of Free Speech in Europe

Chapter 9, Catholics Against Free Speech

Chapter 10, “Not Conducive to the Public Good”: Free Speech Dies in Britain and Canada

Chapter 11, The New Brownshirts

Chapter 12, “The University Prides Itself on Diversity”: Administrators vs. Free Speech Chapter 13, “Facing the New Totalitarianism”: Fighting Back for the Freedom of Speech

 

Spencer traces the living Islamic law imperative to brook no criticism of the Muslim faith, or its prophet founder, to both canonical traditions of Muhammad and the Koran (9:14-15) itself, which exhorts Muslims to wage jihad to punish the “offending” infidels. Muhammad in effect created his own “Dead Poets Society” comprised of victims (men and women, elderly and young) slain at his behest by his most ardent early Muslim followers, for perceived “insults” to Islam’s prophet. Citing the contemporary example of the Islamic State of Pakistan (and the plight of Pakistani Christian, Asia Bibi), Spencer asks: to assure a “future free of offense to Islam,” what exactions will “our leftist politicians, media elites, and much of the Western intelligentsia” be willing to impose upon their own citizens?

 

For saying, “I believe in Jesus Christ who died on the cross for the sins of mankind. What did your prophet Muhammad ever do to save mankind?”, a Christian woman named Asia Bibi is on death row in Pakistan, where “wounding [Muslims’] religious feelings” is a crime and blaspheming Muhammad is punishable by death. Pakistan doesn’t have the First Amendment. Americans in the United States are in no danger of execution for testifying to their religious beliefs. But the Asia Bibi case illustrates the utter futility of attempting to keep Muslims from ever being offended — unless we are willing to give up our right to freedom of speech entirely.

 

Americans should not be complacent about First Amendment protections. Reminding readers that the divide separating “treasonous and seditious speech and speech that is simply unwelcome to the government” has proven controversial throughout U.S. history, Spencer avers:

 

The Sedition Act [of 1791] and the Espionage Act [of 1917] demonstrate the U.S. government has placed severe restrictions on the First Amendment’s protection of the freedom of speech in the past, and indicate that it could do so again in the future. This history also shows that the First Amendment protections of free speech are most likely to be curtailed in a time of serious and imminent threats to the nation. That time may be upon us now.

 

Spencer emphasizes one particularly alarming Obama administration reaction to the 9/11/2012 jihad massacre at Benghazi — “scapegoating a video [and subsequently the videographer] criticizing Muhammad” — which illustrates such curtailment, “placing the onus on freedom of speech.” He adds: “The unmistakable implication was that if only Americans would not criticize Muhammad, attacks of this kind wouldn’t happen.” Worse still, two days following Barack Obama’s surreal Islamic blasphemy law-compliant pronouncement to the United Nations General Assembly on September 25, 2012, that “the future must not belong to those who slander the prophet of Islam,” America’s first Sharia blasphemy law victim, Egyptian Coptic Christian Nakoula Basseley Nakoula, producer of the Innocence of Muslims video, was arrested, declared a “danger to the community,” and imprisoned without bail. He was incarcerated for 12 months.

 

Devoid of First Amendment equivalent laws, governed by Left statists marinated for decades in cultural relativist claptrap ideology, and subject to the same forces of Islamization by Muslim immigrant populations, Western Europe, as Spencer demonstrates, including Britain as well as Canada, is even further along the trajectory towards self-inflicted full compliance with Sharia blasphemy law.

 

Perhaps the most illuminating and disheartening chapter of The Complete Infidel’s Guide to Free Speech (and Its Enemies) chronicles progressive Western supplication to Islam since Ayatollah Khomeini’s February 14, 1989 fatwa condemning novelist Salman Rushdie to death for his The Satanic Verses, and its perceived insults to the Muslim creed and Islam’s prophet. Spencer provides an especially astute observation regarding a follow-up Khomeini fatwa denying Rushdie any leniency for repenting, and offering a reward for any non-Muslim willing to execute the beleaguered author:

 

The invitation to non-Muslims to murder Rushdie was significant: Khomeini was inviting non-Muslims to share Muslim sensibilities regarding Rushdie’s alleged offense, and trying to induce them to do so by the prospect of financial reward. It would take years for this invitation and foreigners and non-Muslims to kill Rushdie to evolve into the “shaming,” as Hillary Clinton would put it, of those who dared to decline to participate in the de facto implementation of Islamic blasphemy laws. Clinton’s “peer pressure an shaming” imperative demonstrated that, in the two decades between the Rushdie fatwa and her endorsement of UNHRC 16/18 [i.e., the United Nations Human Rights Commission’s “defamation of religion” resolution which riveted upon Islam and was aggressively lobbied for by the UN’s Muslims nation members], non-Muslims had become the principal enforcers of Sharia blasphemy law in the West.

 

Drawing upon his shared experience with journalist and activist Pamela Geller in the wake of the May 3, 2015 Garland, Texas, jihadist attack on a staid exhibit of historical and contemporary depictions of Muhammad, Spencer concludes:

 

It is not an offensive act, but ultimately an act in defense of Western civilization to show Islamic jihadists that their violent threats will not cow me and that I will not allow violent intimidation to rule the day, and that I will not offend them in any larger sense by treating them as if they were demented children who cannot control their actions and must necessarily kill in the face of being offended. It was the murderous jihadis who made drawing Muhammad the flash point of the defense of free speech, not Pamela Geller, and I.

 

It is they who, by their determination to murder non-Muslims who violate their religious law on this point, have made it imperative that free people signal that they will not submit to them. If we give in to that demand that we conform to this Sharia principle, there will be further demands that we adhere to additional Sharia principles. It is ultimately a question of whether we will submit to Sharia or stand up for freedom. At Garland we were standing. In the aftermath, it is clear a huge segment of the Western political and media elites are ready, if not eager to kneel, daring not to “provoked” their new masters.

 

A quarter century after Hiskett’s Cassandra-like warning about the liberty-crushing peril of acquiescing to Islam within Western societies, Robert Spencer has meticulously documented its most dire consequences: de facto elimination of free speech criticism of the Muslim creed — and, ultimately, free expression, overall. Spencer’s courageous and irrefragable analysis is simultaneously a tocsin of imminent calamity, and a clarion call to action in defense of free speech, our most fundamental, keystone liberty. Western freedom-loving citizens must help bring his message to American political and religious leaders before our liberties are transmogrified by the global Muslim “umma,” seeking unabashedly (since 1981) to impose “The Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights,” i.e., Sharia totalitarianism.

___________________

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NONIE DARWISH DEMOLISHES FALSE EQUIVALENCE BETWEEN CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM


Mark Tapson writes a combination review of a book and a promotion for speaking engagement. The combo relates to Nonie Darwish, a former Muslim that converted to Christianity. The book is entitled “Wholly Different: Why I Chose Biblical Values Over Islamic Values”. The speaking engagement has passed as it was scheduled for April 6, 2017.

 

You can tell from the book title that Ms. Darwish provides a very effective contrast between Christian-Biblical values and Islamic values. I haven’t read the book yet, but it sounds like an excellent tool for a Christian to have to combat Muslim Apologists and Multiculturalist Leftists.

 

JRH 4/7/17

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NONIE DARWISH DEMOLISHES FALSE EQUIVALENCE BETWEEN CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM

Her new book clarifies which is the real “Religion of Peace.”

 

 

By Mark Tapson

April 5, 2017

FrontPageMag

 

For readers in the Southern California area, Nonie Darwish will be speaking on her new book Wholly Different: Why I Chose Biblical Values Over Islamic Values this Thursday, April 6, at the Four Seasons in Beverly Hills from 11:30 a.m. to 2 p.m. Get more information on the event and your tickets here.

 

Several years ago I was expressing to a friend of mine what I assumed was the undeniable fact that the world has an Islam problem. Her kneejerk response, ingrained by years of Progressive indoctrination, was, “But don’t you think Christianity is just as bad?”

 

Tragically, this continues to be the instinct among the multiculturalist multitudes in the West: a reflexive defense of Islam and an equally swift condemnation of Christianity. As jihad in all its forms – violent, cultural, legal – advances in the West, willfully blind defenders of Islam keep insisting that it is one of the world’s great Abrahamic religions, that all religions have extremists, and that, if anything, the colonialism and intolerance of the Christian West is the bigger problem. Our cultural elites demonize and fear-monger about the Christian right in ways they would never dream of characterizing Muslims.

 

Meanwhile Islam’s presence multiplies across the West as Christianity’s diminishes. To cite just one example: Giulio Meotti at the Gatestone Institute reports that since 2001, London alone has lost 500 churches of all denominations, with 423 new mosques springing up to replace them. As we face the momentum of an Islamized West in the future, the question “Isn’t Christianity just as bad?” has become one of paramount, existential importance.

 

Nonie Darwish, a former Muslim and now Christian convert, demolishes that moral equivalence in her new book Wholly Different: Why I Chose Biblical Values Over Islamic Values. She has proven in the past with her books Now They Call Me Infidel, Cruel and Usual Punishment, and The Devil We Don’t Know that she is a fearless crusader for truth against the apologists of Islam and the enemies of Christianity, and this book is her most forceful testament yet.

 

Ms. Darwish begins Wholly Different by noting that it wasn’t until she emigrated from Egypt to America that she began to get a clear perspective on the Islamic values she had accepted unquestioningly for the first thirty years of her life – values that she came to see “are diametrically opposed to Biblical moral values.” Her life under Islam “was a constant struggle to survive and placate a system that was unforgiving and unaccepting of anything less than total surrender of my humanity, dignity, and privacy – in other words, my life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness.”

 

But her introduction to Christianity was transformative. “When I became Christian and heard for the first time that we human beings were made in the image of God, I wept. I was in awe at the honor, after being given shame and little value under Islam,” which is “not about transforming hearts and renewing minds; it is about conquering lands and enslaving minds.”

 

“While the overriding theme of the Bible is the redemption and happiness of believers,” she adds, “the overriding theme of Islam’s holy book is punishing non-believers.”

 

Her new life where those principles life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness were at the center of the American Way showed her that “the differences between moral and immoral, good and bad, honor and dishonor, and success and failure were totally different” here. “In the West I found my peace and humanity… because of Biblical values that are the foundation of Western society”:

 

Not too many people notice that Biblical values are everywhere in America, even among those who call themselves secular, non-religious, or atheist. But I see Biblical values everywhere here. There is no other explanation for how different life in America is from life in the Islamic world.

 

[…]

 

It is unfortunate that many Americans take Biblical values for granted, assuming that kindness, honesty, and joy are the norm, with or without the Bible. Those of us who grew up in the parts of the world beyond the influence of the Bible know better. Biblical values are the product of the Bible, and they cannot be preserved separate from the Bible.

 

Darwish goes on to enumerate a list of differences between Biblical and Islamic values that she has personally witnessed. She breaks down these and literally dozens of other dichotomies throughout the book:

 

We Are All Sinners vs. They Are All Sinners
Life is Sacred vs. Death is Worship
Guided by the Holy Spirit vs. Manipulated by Human Terror
God the Redeemer vs. Allah the Humiliator
Jesus Died for Us vs. We Must Die for Allah
The Truth Will Set You Free vs. Lying is an Obligation
Faith vs. Submission

 

Darwish proceeds to hold up the two sets of religious values as mirror-opposites of each other, with virtually no common ground. She makes no attempt to whitewash Islam, which she refers to as “a cult of death,” and she pulls no punches in presenting it as Christianity’s mortal enemy. “Everything God tells us in the Bible that He loves, Islam has set out to destroy. Islamic values are backward, the opposite to what every Jew and Christian holds dear… The Koran represents a negative power, a dark and subversive force that relentlessly challenges the authority of the Bible and God Himself.”

 

“The flame of the Islamic rebellion against the Bible has been burning for fourteen hundred years,” Darwish continues. “It is fueled by terrorism, but also by intentional misinformation, propaganda, and lies.”

 

From praising versus cursing, from creating wealth versus seizing it, from seeking humility versus seeking power, from the example of Jesus to the example of Muhammad, to the differing takes of Christianity and Islam on the seven sins and the Ten Commandments, on reality and mental health, and on family values and feminism, Darwish draws a detailed picture of an incompatible pair of value systems embroiled in a worldwide culture clash. And one of them falls short in every respect: “Islam has failed to provide its followers with a comprehensive and well-integrated value system or with examples of true holiness and godliness. The behavior and character of Muhammad certainly do not qualify.”

 

“Islam lacks confidence in itself,” Darwish asserts, and thus “the mere existence of a freely chosen competing faith threatens Islam at its very core… Thus the Bible has become the number one threat to Islam’s ability to prevail.” That is why a book like Wholly Different is such a vital reminder in our time of the vast gulf between the two religions’ sets of values. As Islam wages genocide against Christians in the Middle East and pursues cultural jihad throughout the West, Christianity wrestles internally with a paralyzing identity crisis. There is no more time for self-doubt, no more time for “Coexist” bumper stickers and wishful thinking, no more time for appeasement. What our choice comes down to, Ms. Darwish’s book reminds us, is this: “The values of the Bible lead to peace, prosperity, life, liberty, and happiness. Islamic values will take any society to Hell.” Time to make our choice.

 

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ABOUT MARK TAPSON

 

Mark Tapson, a Hollywood-based writer and screenwriter, is a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center and the editor of TruthRevolt.org.

 

© COPYRIGHT 2017, FRONTPAGEMAG.COM

 

ABOUT FRONTPAGE MAG

 

FRONTPAGE MAG IS A PROUD PROJECT OF THE DAVID HOROWITZ FREEDOM CENTER

 

The DHFC is dedicated to the defense of free societies whose moral, cultural and economic foundations are under attack by enemies both secular and religious, at home and abroad.

 

The David Horowitz Freedom Center combats the efforts of the radical left and its Islamist allies to destroy American values and disarm this country as it attempts to defend itself in a time of terror.  The leftist offensive is most obvious on our nation’s campuses, where the Freedom Center protects students from indoctrination and intimidation and works to give conservative students a place in the marketplace of ideas from which they are otherwise excluded.  Combining forceful analysis and bold activism, the Freedom Center provides strong insight into today’s most pressing issue on its family of websites and in the activist campaigns it wages on campus, in the news media, and in national politics throughout the year.

 

David Horowitz began the Center for the Study of Popular Culture in 1988 to establish a conservative presence in Hollywood and show how popular culture had become a political battleground. Over the next 18 years, CSPC attracted 50,000 contributing supporters and established programs such as The Wednesday Morning Club, the Individual Rights Foundation, and Students for Academic Freedom.

 

FrontPage Magazine, the Center’s online journal of news and political commentary has 1.5 million visitors and over 870,000 unique visitors a month (65 million hits) and is linked to over 2000 other websites.  The magazine’s coverage of and commentary about events has been greatly augmented over the last two years by the presence of four Shillman Fellows in Journalism underwritten by board member Dr. Robert Shillman. FrontPage has recently added a blog called “The Point,” run by Shillman Fellow Daniel Greenfield, which has tripled web traffic.

 

READ THE REST

 

Islam: Not a Religion of Peace, but a ‘House of War’


I am going to proffer a guess that someone at WND read the May 13 post “The Muslim Solution”. That post offered two concepts to solving the perpetual Quranic edict against non-Muslims.
 
WND sent out a book review of a book they are releasing on July 8, 2015 – “House of War: Islam’s Jihad Against the World”. This book exposes the real nature of Islam according to its own considered holy writings. So if any generous soul decides to pre-order the book, perhaps contact me to let me know about your generosity. The need for contact is I’d hate to receive 100 copies of what promises to be an awesome read. J
 
House of War bk jkt 
JRH 5/15/15

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Islam: Not a Religion of Peace, but a ‘House of War’
 
Review sent by and by WND.com
Sent: 5/14/2015 12:22 PM
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
 
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

WASHINGTON – With the toppling of one Mideast dictator after another and the ensuing “Arab Spring,” horrendous terrorist attacks are increasingly being perpetrated by groups and individuals claiming to act in the name of Islam.

“The bad quasi-secular dictatorships of the Middle East have been replaced,” says G. M. Davis, leaving chaos and anarchy, a “fertile ground for jihadist groups whose violent aspirations are in no way limited to their own societies.” Yet Western political leaders, with the support of the major media, have consistently affirmed their belief that, despite the violence done in its name, Islam is a religion of peace.

The critical question is, who is right? Do Muslims who wage violent jihad against unbelievers fundamentally misunderstand their own religion? Or are the jihadists following their holy book in their willingness to die as martyrs according to the dictates of their god, who promises paradise to those who “fight in his cause and kill and are killed, a promise binding on him in truth” (Koran 9:111)? With the West engaged in military operations in multiple Islamic countries and with a rapidly growing Muslim population at home, the answer is of critical importance to the future of Western Civilization.

 
Relying primarily on Islam’s own sources, House of War: Islam’s Jihad Against the World (formerly Religion of Peace? Islam’s War Against the World and now available in paperback), compellingly documents that Islam is indeed a violent, expansionist ideology that seeks the subjugation and destruction of other faiths, cultures, and systems of government.

To be published by WND Books on July 8, House of War explains how Islam is more than just a religion. It is a system of government, seeking to extend its own peculiar legal code – Sharia law – over the entire world. The “peace” Islam seeks is a world united by the Islamic faith and Sharia law under which all other faiths and political regimes have been either suppressed or eliminated. “Jihad” is the violent struggle against the non-Islamic world to bring it into “submission” to Islamic rule.


“The idea that Islam is a religion of peace,” says Davis, “is fundamentally, totally, and disastrously wrong.” Westerners have been indoctrinated to believe that the jihadists they see on television are extremists who have twisted their religion to serve a violent purpose, when in fact, “Islam is intrinsically violent. It is the impetus for modern terrorism, and its doctrines necessitate that the only possible relationship between Islamic civilization and non-Islamic civilization is war or subjugation,” says Davis. By delving into key Islamic writings, Davis reveals the fastest-growing religion in the world for what it is – an existential threat to Western Civilization, a reality to which Western leaders remain determinedly blind.
 
G.M. Davis (author)
 
G. M. Davis is a Mideast scholar, author, and filmmaker. He graduated from the University of Rochester in 1997 with a BA in political science, and from Stanford in 2003 with a PhD in the same area of study. In 2005, he produced and directed the feature documentary, Islam: What the West Needs to Know.
House of War will be available on July 8, 2015.

If you would like to receive a review copy of House of War, please contact WND marketing at marketing@wnd.com.

 
________________________________
WND | 2020 Pennsylvania Ave NW, #351 | Washington, DC 20006
Copyright 1997-2015 WND.com Inc. All Rights Reserved.

Kupelian’s "How Evil Works" shines bright


How Evil Works bk jkt

Sometimes I run into book reviews/marketing ploys that are simply worth the effort to cross post. If it piques my curiosity I suspect it will also draw other curious eyes. This is the case of Matt Barber’s review of David Kupelian’s sequel to the “Marketing of Evil” called “How Evil Works”.
 
The Barber review was sent in a WorldNetDaily marketing email that of course included other book products available for purchase. I am just sharing the “How Evil Works” review and the offer to purchase the “Marketing of Evil” as well.
 
 
JRH 2/8/14

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Kupelian’s “How Evil Works” shines bright
 
By Matt Barber
Sent: 2/8/2014 6:50 AM
Sent from WND Super Store
 
I’m a tremendous fan of author and Christian apologist C.S. Lewis. Rarely does one find a writer who can elucidate so profoundly, as could he, the stark contrast between secular humanism – “materialism,” as Lewis called it – and the Judeo-Christian worldview. Seldom does one come across a wordsmith capable of so effectively, objectively and concisely distinguishing between good and evil.

I’ve found that wordsmith.

 
My wife, Sarah, and I were listening to the radio a few months back as Sean Hannity interviewed an author about his latest publication. The book was “How Evil Works,” but we were unable to ascertain, for some time, its author’s identity. We were immediately drawn into the discussion as this mystery guest waxed wise about what he called man’s “millennia-old blind spot” – namely, the existence of evil, how it works and why it destroys us.


I was amazed by the speaker’s insights into this “radioactive topic.” “Wow, this guy really gets it,” I told Sarah. She nodded in agreement, either unwilling or unable to take her attention away from the show long enough to answer. Finally – and for the benefit of us late arrivals – Sean divulged the identity of his guest: It was best-selling author and award-winning journalist David Kupelian.
 
I was no longer surprised.

David continued. He spoke of how America – once the moral guidepost to the world – had, “over time … abandoned its original principles,” only now to suffer from great “moral confusion.”

He spoke of a president, “wearing a mask,” who is “deceptive from morning till night.” A president who, “taking us where we don’t want to go, has to lie about where he’s taking us.”

“Those in power talk an awful lot like those we used to fight,” he said.

That was it. “We’ve got to get this book,” I insisted. Sarah agreed.

I don’t often do book reviews (this is my first in fact), but after reading “How Evil Works,” I felt compelled to put pen to paper. Whereas Kupelian’s conversation with Hannity stopped me in my tracks, his book took it to the next level. It was simply outstanding.

I guess the best way to describe it is to say that “How Evil Works” has the same effect on your brain that yawning has on your ears at high altitude. Things just suddenly pop with crystal clarity.

Throughout “Evil’s” pages David meticulously unpacks today’s most pressing issues, providing unassailable answers to some of our most critical questions. For instance:

 
o   Where have all the statesmen gone – and why do politicians lie?
 
o   Why are so many Americans abandoning their Christian roots and embracing atheism and the occult?
 
o   What drives terrorists to kill?
 
o   How are psychological and spiritual problems linked, and why do we medicate ourselves into zombies?
 
o   Why do people who seem to have everything so often self-destruct and end up with nothing?
 
o   How can we turn it all around and return this great nation to her God-fearing ways?
 
And many more.

In recent days, I was on a flight to Oklahoma City. As I read the last page of “Evil” and placed it in the seat flap in front of me, a 15-year-old girl sitting to my side asked: “So how does evil work?” What an opening! “Well, this book explains it a lot better than I can,” I replied.

For several minutes we discussed worldview and our horribly failing culture. Turns out she was on her way to a missions trip in Jamaica. She mentioned that, like with me, C.S. Lewis was one of her favorite authors. I chuckled and asked: “You’re homeschooled, aren’t you?”

Indeed she was, but explained that in the fall she was attending public school for the first time. “I want to get in there and be salt and light,” she said.

“Well then,” I replied, “take this with you. If you love C.S. Lewis, you won’t be able to put it down.” I handed her “How Evil Works.” She smiled ear-to-ear, she thanked me and we went our separate ways. I’m quite certain that, having read Kupelian’s book, her salt will be that much saltier and her light just a bit brighter.

 
########

o   How does terrorism really work?
 
o   Why are neo-pagan and New Age religions like Wicca becoming so popular?
 
o   Why do so many politicians and entertainment celebrities end up self-destructing?
 
o   Why are big lies more believable than little ones?
 
o   Why are boys doing worse in school today than girls?
 
o   Why do we treat mental-emotional-spiritual problems like rage and depression with drugs?
 
 
 
Hannity: ‘I couldn’t put it down’
 
“How Evil Works” was introduced to the nation by Sean Hannity, who told his audience, “This is a powerful book … I couldn’t put it down.”
 
 
Hannity’s assessment of “How Evil Works” mirrors that of others who have read it. Legendary radio talk-show host Barry Farber expressed it in his typical, colorful style: “With the unapologetic outrage of a saint and the fearless fury of a General Patton, here comes David Kupelian turning a blowtorch of good upon the putrid cobwebs of evil. Do you remember removing the back of a clock to look into the workings? In ‘How Evil Works,’ Kupelian lets us look directly into evil itself. There it is – every tick, every tock, every trick, every shock. Kupelian doesn’t rest with ‘Sunlight is the best disinfectant.’ He prefers the scorch-light.”
 
Chuck Norris praises “How Evil Works” in his latest column, “I believe in the resurrection of America,” saying: “David Kupelian, in his new insightful treatise on what truly lurks behind the troubles in government and America, ‘How Evil Works,’ notes that we’ve been ‘seduced’ to believe that ‘the self-evident truths’ the founders relied upon are just outdated and dangerous myths.” “No wonder,” Kupelian says, “millions of Americans have gradually been demoralized into depending upon government to solve all of their problems, fueling today’s uncontrolled, cancer-like growth in government.”
 
WND founder and editor Joseph Farah sizes it up this way: “Thoreau said, ‘There are a thousand hacking at the branches of evil to one who is striking at the root.’ In his tour de force ‘How Evil Works,’ WND Managing Editor David Kupelian strikes at evil’s root with devastating effectiveness, building on the revelations in his classic best-seller The Marketing of Evil,’ No library is complete without both the original and the dazzling sequel.”
 
And No. 1 New York Times best-selling author Jerome R. Corsi, Ph.D., says: ‘How Evil Works’ is fresh, original, and startlingly insightful. David Kupelian reveals the hidden mechanisms that allow lies and deception to take root in modern America. A truly important book.”
 
 
New! “How Evil Works” is also available as an audiobook version on eight CDs.
 
_____________________________
WND | 2020 Pennsylvania Ave NW, #351 | Washington, DC 20006

Copyright 1997-2014 WND.com Inc. All Rights Reserved.

 

Everything Old Is Neo Again


Irving Kristol 2 sm

 

I have considered myself as part of the Neoconservative persuasion. And yes, I know, I do know that Neconservatism has been branded as the enemy from Obama Messianic Leftists and Paleoconservatives alike. Also to be honest I am consistent among Neocons in that I don’t agree with some others of the Neoconservative persuasion. Neoconservatism is not monolithic in ideology. Neoconservatism is multifaceted with core similarities of ideology.

 

With that in mind I stumbled upon a book review of a collection of essays by deceased Irving Kristol. The reviewer Millman seems to be praising Irving Kristol essays with slight appreciation.

 

Millman then compares Irving’s son William (Bill) Kristol’s Neoconservatism. Millman is a little enthusiastic about Bill Kristol’s Neoconservative without coming out with some out right criticism.

 

JRH 3/19/11